英語經(jīng)典演講稿
使用正確的寫作思路書寫演講稿會(huì)更加事半功倍。隨著社會(huì)一步步向前發(fā)展，演講稿與我們的生活息息相關(guān)，那么，怎么去寫演講稿呢？以下是小編收集整理的英語經(jīng)典演講稿，僅供參考，希望能夠幫助到大家。
英語經(jīng)典演講稿1
I have a wonderful dream in my heart。 It's to speak English very well。Since English is everything for me。 English is my best friend.English is mysoul。 English is my power。 Without English，I'm nothing at all。 Nothing。 Now，Ican think in English，speak in English，and write in English. Some people thinkI'm an Indian。 Some people regard I'm a Pakistan. And some people even considerthat I'm an Egyptian. But if I could speak English as good as an American，myfuture would be brilliant. So I work very hard.
英語經(jīng)典演講稿2
Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not selfcongratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.
I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is despite it all the epidemic which is winning tonight.
In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.
Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.
This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.
We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.
My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.
With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.
We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.
My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”
The The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.
Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.
My 84yearold father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.
But not all of you But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.
Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.
I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.
To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, "You are at risk." And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.
To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word "AIDS" when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.
God bless the children, and God bless us all.
Good night.
英語經(jīng)典演講稿3
大家好，我今天演講的題目是“我的夢(mèng)想”。
每個(gè)人都有夢(mèng)想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一個(gè)小小的夢(mèng)想，當(dāng)我達(dá)到目標(biāo)時(shí)，我會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)更多的夢(mèng)想。開始，我還是個(gè)嬰兒，一心想變得很強(qiáng)壯，像少林寺里的孩子一樣，武功高強(qiáng)。但是我覺得離開父母去很遠(yuǎn)的地方練武，辛苦，有點(diǎn)舍不得。小時(shí)候，我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想，我希望我有錢。大人問：小姑娘，有了錢你打算怎么辦？我要去買泡泡糖"如果你有很多錢？
我打算買很多泡泡糖。"如果你有錢花的話？我會(huì)買泡泡糖工廠。"天真的童年我們的確有一顆善良的心，幸福和快樂是同一首曲子。
慢慢進(jìn)入小學(xué)，課程越來越深，知識(shí)越來越多。會(huì)感受到壓力�，F(xiàn)在我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。我希望我沒有；我每天沒有很多作業(yè)要做。玩的有點(diǎn)剝奪，而我們40%的日子都禁錮在教室里，很多時(shí)間都在學(xué)習(xí)。但是在學(xué)習(xí)面前，是一種模糊的知識(shí)。俗話說，一種罕見的.困惑。對(duì)事物的理解，從封建主義到資本主義，越大越覺得自己的觀點(diǎn)是正確的。每天放學(xué)回家后忙了一天一夜的課，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。這樣的生活很單調(diào)，可能有時(shí)候會(huì)想念我的很多小學(xué)同學(xué)，有時(shí)候會(huì)帶著一節(jié)課或者一副朦朧的睡相。討厭死板的校服，我從來不到處穿。周六，周日；時(shí)間很短，孩子很想磨煉，慢慢了解生活；太難了，努力吧，夢(mèng)想好了，我會(huì)努力讓每個(gè)人都生活起來，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想為他們的夢(mèng)想而奮斗。
我的演講結(jié)束了，謝謝！
英語經(jīng)典演講稿4
親愛的老師和同學(xué)們：
我很高興在這里說點(diǎn)什么。這時(shí)，我想談?wù)勎业膼酆谩?/p>
我有很多愛好。首先，我喜歡玩電子游戲。電腦游戲很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜歡各種運(yùn)動(dòng)。我喜歡新鮮空氣和陽光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。
在海里游泳是我最喜歡的`。我也喜歡在家畫畫。此外，我喜歡音樂。我喜歡唱歌。我經(jīng)常在街上散步時(shí)唱電影歌曲。當(dāng)然，我每天都學(xué)英語。如你所知，英語在世界各地都被使用。所以我學(xué)英語很努力。我希望有一天我能環(huán)游世界，和外國(guó)人說英語。
還有更多我喜歡做的。還有我想說的。也許下次我可以告訴你更多。謝謝大家的傾聽。
英語經(jīng)典演講稿5
尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)、老師：
大家下午好！我叫xx，原來在xx小學(xué)工作，近幾年來一直從事小學(xué)英語的教學(xué)，今年因工作調(diào)動(dòng)，調(diào)整到我們xx小學(xué)工作，我感到非常的高興，同時(shí)，也非常感謝我們學(xué)校領(lǐng)導(dǎo)能給我這樣一次展示自我、成就自我的機(jī)會(huì)。我今天我競(jìng)聘的崗位是三、四年級(jí)的英語教學(xué)。
首先我說一下自己的基本情況和工作業(yè)績(jī)：我xx年畢業(yè)于xx師專數(shù)學(xué)系，后分配到xx中學(xué)從事數(shù)學(xué)教學(xué)，xx年開始改教初中英語，xx年因身體狀況，調(diào)入小學(xué)從事小學(xué)英語教學(xué)至今，xx年自考大學(xué)本科畢業(yè)，xx年被評(píng)為中學(xué)一級(jí)教師。
自工作以來，我一直兢兢業(yè)業(yè)，勤奮工作，所教科目成績(jī)一直據(jù)全鎮(zhèn)前列，特別是近幾年來從事小學(xué)英語教學(xué)，所教班級(jí)多次獲得全鎮(zhèn)第一名，個(gè)人也多次被評(píng)為鎮(zhèn)教育先進(jìn)工作者、優(yōu)秀教師，區(qū)優(yōu)秀教師，個(gè)人年考核優(yōu)秀等次的榮譽(yù)稱號(hào)，并有多篇論文在市級(jí)報(bào)紙發(fā)表。
下面我談一下，我競(jìng)聘英語教師的幾個(gè)優(yōu)勢(shì)和條件：
1。有良好的師德
我為人處事的原則是：老老實(shí)實(shí)做人，認(rèn)認(rèn)真真工作，開開心心生活。自己一貫注重個(gè)人品德素質(zhì)的培養(yǎng)，努力做到尊重領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，團(tuán)結(jié)同志，工作負(fù)責(zé)，辦事公道，不計(jì)較個(gè)人得失，對(duì)工作對(duì)同志有公心，愛心，平常心和寬容心。自從參加工作以來，我首先在師德上嚴(yán)格要求自己，要做一個(gè)合格的人民教師！認(rèn)真學(xué)習(xí)和領(lǐng)會(huì)上級(jí)教育主管部門的文件精神，與時(shí)俱進(jìn)，愛崗敬業(yè)，為人師表，熱愛學(xué)生，尊重學(xué)生，爭(zhēng)取讓每個(gè)學(xué)生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的發(fā)
2。有較高的專業(yè)水平
我從xx師專數(shù)學(xué)系畢業(yè)后曾到xx師范大學(xué)進(jìn)修英語教學(xué)培訓(xùn)，系統(tǒng)而又牢固地掌握了英語教學(xué)的專業(yè)知識(shí)。多年來始終在教學(xué)第一線致力于小學(xué)英語教學(xué)及研究，使自己的專業(yè)知識(shí)得到進(jìn)一步充實(shí)、更新和擴(kuò)展。
3。有較強(qiáng)的教學(xué)能力
從選擇教師這門職業(yè)的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受學(xué)生歡迎的好老師，為了這個(gè)心愿，我一直在不懈努力著。要求自己做到牢固掌握本學(xué)科的基本理論知識(shí)。
熟悉相關(guān)學(xué)科的文化知識(shí)，不斷更新知識(shí)結(jié)構(gòu)，精通業(yè)務(wù)，精心施教，把握好教學(xué)的難點(diǎn)重點(diǎn)，認(rèn)真探索教學(xué)規(guī)律，鉆研教學(xué)藝術(shù)，努力形成自己的教學(xué)特色。我的教學(xué)風(fēng)格和教學(xué)效果普遍受到學(xué)生的認(rèn)可和歡迎。
以上所述情況，是我競(jìng)聘英語教師的.優(yōu)勢(shì)條件，假如我有幸競(jìng)聘上崗，這些優(yōu)勢(shì)條件將有助于我更好的開展英語教學(xué)工作。
如果我有幸競(jìng)聘成功，能擔(dān)任三四年級(jí)英語教師的話，我將從以下方面開展工作。
一是認(rèn)真貫徹執(zhí)行黨的教育路線、方針、政策和學(xué)校的各項(xiàng)決定，加強(qiáng)學(xué)習(xí)，積極進(jìn)取，求真務(wù)實(shí)，開拓創(chuàng)新，不斷提高自己的綜合素質(zhì)、創(chuàng)新能力，用自己的勤奮加智慧，完成好教學(xué)任務(wù)。使我校的英語教學(xué)上一個(gè)大的臺(tái)階。
二是做一個(gè)科研型的教師。教師的從教之日，正是重新學(xué)習(xí)之時(shí)。新時(shí)代要求教師具備的不只是操作技巧，還要有直面新情況、分析新問題、解決新矛盾的本領(lǐng)。進(jìn)行目標(biāo)明確、有針對(duì)性解決我校的英語教學(xué)難題。
做一個(gè)理念新的教師
目前，新一輪的基礎(chǔ)教育改革早已在我市全面推開，作為新課改的實(shí)踐者，要在認(rèn)真學(xué)習(xí)新課程理念的基礎(chǔ)上，結(jié)合自己所教的學(xué)科，積極探索有效的教學(xué)方法。大力改革教學(xué)，積極探索實(shí)施創(chuàng)新教學(xué)模式。把英語知識(shí)與學(xué)生的生活相結(jié)合，為學(xué)生創(chuàng)設(shè)一個(gè)富有生活氣息的真實(shí)的學(xué)習(xí)情境，同時(shí)注重學(xué)生的探究發(fā)現(xiàn)，引導(dǎo)學(xué)生在學(xué)習(xí)中學(xué)會(huì)合作交流，提高學(xué)習(xí)能力。
做一個(gè)富有愛心的老師
“不愛學(xué)生就教不好學(xué)生”，“愛學(xué)生就要愛每一個(gè)學(xué)生”。作為一名教師，要無私地奉獻(xiàn)愛，處處播灑愛，使我的學(xué)生在愛的激勵(lì)下，增強(qiáng)自信，勇于創(chuàng)新，不斷進(jìn)取，成長(zhǎng)為撐起祖國(guó)一片藍(lán)天的棟梁。用質(zhì)樸的心愛護(hù)學(xué)生，用誠(chéng)摯的情感染學(xué)生，用精湛的教學(xué)藝術(shù)熏陶學(xué)生，用忘我的工作態(tài)度影響學(xué)生。
尊敬的各位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，各位老師，我會(huì)珍惜現(xiàn)有的每一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)，努力工作，發(fā)揮出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、飽滿的熱情上好自己的英語課程，享受我的教學(xué)樂趣！
最后我想說：做教師，我無悔！做英語教師，我快樂！
英語經(jīng)典演講稿6
Good evening, my fellow citizens:
This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about onehalf as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, onethird as much chance of completing college, onethird as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about oneseventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.
We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no secondclass citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.
Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.
I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.
I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.
I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a Statesupported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.
Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.
The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.
Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.
My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.
This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.
Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.
As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.
We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.
This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.
Thank you very much.
英語經(jīng)典演講稿7
good morning, my dear teachers and my is my great pleasure to stand here to introduce my k you for your listening. Good afternoon,teachers and my follew y i am going to talk about " my dream "
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